by Benito Mussolini 贝尼托·墨索里尼 著

本文件收录的是贝尼托·墨索里尼于1932年撰写的《法西斯主义教义》原始历史文献，仅供学术研究、历史分析和意识形态批判之用。文中观点反映特定历史时期与政治语境下的极端思想，不代表整理者及发布者的任何立场。读者应以批判性、反思性的态度审视文本，认识其历史教训，避免将其中论述作普遍化或现实化解读。

From the Encyclopedia Italiana. Vol. XIV

摘自《意大利百科全书》第十四卷

The English translation of the “Fundamental Ideas” is by Mr. I.S. Munro, reprinted by his kind permission from “Fascism to World-Power” (Alexander Maclehose, London, 1933).

《Fundamental Ideas》的英文译本由 I.S. Munro 先生翻译，经他本人许可转载自《从法西斯主义到世界强权》（亚历山大·麦克莱霍斯出版社，伦敦，1933 年）。

来源：ToC

FUNDAMENTAL IDEAS.（法西斯思想）

1. Philosophic Conception.（哲学观念）

Like every concrete political conception, Fascism is thought and action. It is action with an inherent doctrine which, arising out of a given system of historic forces, is inserted in it and works on it from within. It has therefore a form co-related to the contingencies of time and place; but it has at the same time an ideal content which elevates it into a formula of truth in the higher region of the history of thought.

如同所有具体的政治理念一样，法西斯主义既是思想也是行动。它是一种行动，其内在理论源于特定的历史力量体系，并被该体系所吸收和作用。因此，它的形式与时空条件息息相关；但同时，它也蕴含着理想的内涵，使其升华为思想史更高层次上的真理准则。

There is no way of exercising a spiritual influence on the things of the world by means of a human will-power commanding the wills of others, without first having a clear conception of the particular and transient reality on which the will-power must act, and without also having a clear conception of the universal and permanent reality in which the particular and transient reality has its life and being. To know men we must have a knowledge of man; and to have a knowledge of man we must know the reality of things and their laws.

若不首先对意志力（spiritual influence）所作用的特殊且短暂的现实有清晰的认识，若不先对特殊且短暂的现实赖以生存和存在的普遍且永恒的现实有清晰的认识，就无法凭借人的意志力去支配他人的意志，从而对世间万物施加精神影响。要了解人，我们必须先了解人；要了解人，我们必须先了解事物的本质及其规律。

There can be no conception of a State which is not fundamentally a conception of Life. It is a philosophy or intuition, a system of ideas which evolves itself into a system of logical contraction, or which concentrates itself in a vision or in a faith, but which is always, at least virtually, an organic conception of the world.

任何国家（State）概念¹都必然从根本上是一种生命的概念。它是一种哲学或直觉，一个思想体系，它演化成一个逻辑收缩的体系，或者集中于某种愿景或信仰，但它始终（至少在本质上）是对世界的一种有机理解（organic conception）。

2. Spiritualised Conception.（精神观念）

Fascism would therefore not be understood in many of its manifestations (as, for example, in its organisations of the Party, its system of education, its discipline) were it not considered in the light of its general view of life. A spiritualised view.

因此，如果不从法西斯主义的整体人生观——一种精神化的生活观——的角度来看待它，就无法理解法西斯主义的许多表现形式（例如，其党的组织、教育体系、纪律）。

To Fascism the world is not this material world which appears on the surface, in which man is an individual separated from all other men, standing by himself and subject to a natural law which instinctively impels him to lead a life of momentary and egoistic pleasure. In Fascism man is an individual who is the nation and the country. He is this by a moral law which embraces and binds together individuals and generations in an established tradition and mission, a moral law which suppresses the instinct to lead a life confined to a brief cycle of pleasure in order, instead, to replace it within the orbit of duty in a superior conception of life, free from the limits of time and space a life in which the individual by self-abnegation and by the sacrifice of his particular interests, even by death, realises the entirely spiritual existence in which his value as a man consists.

对法西斯主义而言，世界并非表面所呈现的物质世界，在这个世界里，人是与他人分离的个体，孤立于世，受制于一种本能驱使他追求短暂而自私享乐的自然法则。在法西斯主义中，人即是民族（nation）和国家（country）²。这是由一种道德法则所维系的，这种法则将个人和世代凝聚在既定的传统和使命之中；这种道德法则抑制了人们沉溺于短暂享乐的本能，转而将其置于责任的轨道之上，追求一种超越时空限制的更高层次的生命理念。在这种理念中，个人通过自我否定和牺牲自身利益，甚至以死亡为代价，实现了纯粹的精神存在，而这正是他作为人的价值所在。

3. Positive Conception of Life as a Struggle.（把生活理解为斗争的积极观念）

It is therefore a spiritual conception, itself also a result of the general reaction of the Century against the languid and materialistic positivism of the Eighteenth Century. Anti-positivist, but positive: neither sceptical nor agnostic, neither pessimistic nor passively optimistic, as are in general the doctrines (all of them negative) which place the centre of life outside of man, who by his free will can and should create his own world for himself.

因此，这是一种精神观念，它本身也是本世纪对十八世纪懒散而唯物主义的实证主义³的普遍反动的结果。它是反实证主义的，但又是积极的：既非怀疑论者也非不可知论者，既非悲观主义也非被动的乐观主义，这与那些将生活中心置于人之外的教条（它们都是否定性的）截然不同，后者认为人凭借其自由意志可以而且应该为自己创造世界。

Fascism wants a man to be active and to be absorbed in action with all his energies; it wants him to have a manly consciousness of the difficulties that exist and to be ready to face them. It conceives life as a struggle, thinking that it is the duty of man to conquer that life which is really worthy of him: creating in the first place within himself the (physical, moral, intellectual) instrument with which to build it.

法西斯主义要求人积极主动，全身心投入行动；它要求人拥有男子汉气概，意识到存在的种种困难，并随时准备面对它们。它将人生视为一场斗争，认为人有责任去征服真正配得上自己的人生：首先要在自身内部创造出（物质的、道德的、智力的）工具，以此来构建这种人生。

As for the individual, so for the nation, so for mankind. Hence the high value of culture in all its forms (art, religion, science) and the supreme importance of education. Hence also the essential value of labour, with which man conquers nature and creates the human world (economic, political, moral, intellectual).

就个人而言，就国家而言，就全人类而言，亦是如此。因此，文化（艺术、宗教、科学）的各种形式都具有高度价值，教育也至关重要。因此，劳动也具有根本价值，人类正是凭借劳动征服自然，创造人类世界（经济、政治、道德、智力）。

4. Ethical Conception.（伦理观念）

This positive conception of life is evidently an ethical conception. And it comprises the whole reality as well as the human activity which domineers it. No action is to be removed from the moral sense; nothing is to be in the world that is divested of the importance which belongs to it in respect of moral aims. Life, therefore, as the Fascist conceives it, is serious, austere, religious; entirely balanced in a world sustained by the moral and responsible forces of the spirit. The Fascist disdains the “easy” life.

这种积极的人生观显然是一种伦理观。它涵盖了整个现实以及支配现实的人类活动。任何行为都不能脱离道德意义；世间万物都不能脱离其在道德目标方面应有的重要性。因此，在法西斯主义者的构想中，人生是严肃的、简朴的、宗教式的（religious）；在一个由精神的道德和责任力量维系的世界中，人生是完全平衡的。法西斯主义者鄙视“安逸”的生活。

5. Religious Conception.（宗教式的观念）

Fascism is a religious conception in which man is considered to be in the powerful grip of a superior law, with an objective will which transcends the particular individual and elevates him into a fully conscious member of a spiritual society. Anyone who has stopped short at the mere consideration of opportunism in the religious policy of the Fascist Regime, has failed to understand that Fascism, besides being a system of government, is also a system of thought.

法西斯主义是一种宗教式的观念⁴，它认为人受制于一种凌驾于一切之上的法则，这种法则拥有超越个体、将人提升为精神共同体（spiritual society）⁵中完全觉醒的成员的客观意志⁶。任何仅仅将法西斯政权的宗教政策视为机会主义的人，都未能理解法西斯主义不仅是一种政体，更是一种思想体系。

6. Historical and Realist Conception.

Fascism is an historical conception in which man could not be what he is without being a factor in the spiritual process to which he contributes, either in the family sphere or in the social sphere, in the nation or in history in general to which all nations contribute. Hence is derived the great importance of tradition in the records, language, customs and rules of human society. Man without a part in history is nothing.

法西斯主义是一种历史观念，在这种观念中，人若不参与到他所贡献的精神进程中，无论是在家庭领域、社会领域、民族领域还是所有民族共同参与的历史进程中，就无法成为我们今天所理解的自己。由此可见，传统在人类社会的记录、语言、习俗和规则中具有极其重要的地位。没有参与历史的人，就什么都不是。

For this reason Fascism is opposed to all the abstractions of an individualistic character based upon materialism typical of the Eighteenth Century; and it is opposed to all the Jacobin innovations and utopias. It does not believe in the possibility of “happiness” on earth as conceived by the literature of the economists of the Seventeenth Century; it therefore spurns all the teleological conceptions of final causes through which, at a given period of history, a final systematisation of the human race would take place. Such theories only mean placing oneself outside real history and life, which is a continual ebb and flow and process of realisations.

因此，法西斯主义反对一切基于唯物主义的、典型的十八世纪个人主义抽象概念；它反对一切雅各宾派的创新和乌托邦。它不相信十七世纪经济学家⁷所构想的“尘世的幸福”（“happiness” on earth）的可能性；因此，它摒弃一切目的论⁸（the teleological conceptions of final causes），即认为在特定的历史时期，人类将通过最终原因实现最终的系统化。这类理论只会将自身置于真实的历史和生活之外，而真实的历史和生活是一个持续不断的潮起潮落和不断实现的进程。

Politically speaking, Fascism aims at being a realistic doctrine; in its practice it aspired to solve only the problems which present themselves of their own accord in the process of history, and which of themselves find or suggest their own solution. To have the effect of action among men, it is necessary to enter into the process of reality and to master the forces actually at work.

从政治角度来看，法西斯主义力求成为一种现实主义理论；在实践中，它只致力于解决历史进程中自然而然出现的问题，这些问题本身就能找到或暗示自身的解决方案。要想在人类社会中产生实际效果，就必须融入现实进程，并掌握正在发挥作用的各种力量。

7. The Individual and Liberty.（个体与自由）

Anti-individualistic, the Fascist conception is for the State; it is for the individual only in so far as he coincides with the State, universal consciousness and will of man in his historic existence. It is opposed to the classic Liberalism which arose out of the need of reaction against absolutism, and had accomplished its mission in history when the State itself had become transformed in the popular will and consciousness.

法西斯主义是反个人主义的，它拥护国家；个人只有在与国家、普遍意识以及人类历史意志相契合时才具有意义。它与古典自由主义截然相反，后者源于反抗专制主义/绝对主义（absolutism）的需要，并在国家本身融入人民意志和意识的过程中完成了其历史使命。

Liberalism denied the State in the interests of the particular individual; Fascism reaffirms the State as the only true expression of the individual.

自由主义否定了国家在维护个人利益方面的作用；法西斯主义则重申国家是个人唯一真正的体现。

And if liberty is to be the attribute of the real man, and not of the scarecrow invented by the individualistic Liberalism, then Fascism is for liberty. It is for the only kind of liberty that is serious—the liberty of the State and of the individual in the State. Because, for the Fascist, all is comprised in the State and nothing spiritual or human exists—much less has any value—outside the State. In this respect Fascism is a totalising concept, and the Fascist State—the unification and synthesis of every value—interprets, develops and potentiates the whole life of the people.

如果自由是真正人的属性，而非个人主义自由主义所炮制的稻草人，那么法西斯主义就是为自由而战。它所追求的是唯一真正意义上的自由——国家自由和国家中个人的自由。因为在法西斯主义者看来，一切都包含在国家之中，任何精神或人性的东西，更遑论在国家之外具有任何价值。从这个意义上讲，法西斯主义是一个总体性（totalising）⁹的概念，而法西斯国家——一切价值的统一与综合——诠释、发展并激发着人民的整个生活。

8. Conception of a Corporate State.（法团国家的观念）

No individuals nor groups (political parties, associations, labour unions, classes) outside the State. For this reason Fascism is opposed to Socialism, which clings rigidly to class war in the historic evolution and ignores the unity of the State which moulds the classes into a single, moral and economic reality. In the same way Fascism is opposed to the unions of the labouring classes. But within the orbit of the State with ordinative functions, the real needs, which give rise to the Socialist movement and to the forming of labour unions, are emphatically recognised by Fascism and are given their full expression in the Corporative System, which conciliates every interest in the unity of the State.

国家之外的任何个人或团体（政党、协会、工会、阶级）都不能凌驾于国家之上。因此，法西斯主义反对社会主义，因为社会主义在历史演进中固守阶级斗争，忽视了国家统一性（unity of the State）——正是这种统一性将各个阶级塑造成一个统一的道德和经济现实（a single, moral and economic reality）。同样，法西斯主义也反对劳动阶级的联合。然而，在具有组织职能的国家框架内，法西斯主义充分认识到催生社会主义运动和工会形成的真正需求，并在社团制度中得到充分体现，因为社团制度调和了各方利益，维护了国家的统一。

9. Democracy.（民主）

Individuals form classes according to categories of interests. They are associated according to differentiated economical activities which have a common interest: but first and foremost they form the State. The State is not merely either the numbers or the sum of individuals forming the majority of a people. Fascism for this reason is opposed to the democracy which identifies peoples with the greatest number of individuals and reduces them to a majority level. But if people are conceived, as they should be, qualitatively and not quantitatively, then Fascism is democracy in its purest form. The qualitative conception is the most coherent and truest form and is therefore the most moral, because it sees a people realised in the consciousness and will of the few or even of one only; an ideal which moves to its realisation in the consciousness and will of all. By “all” is meant all who derive their justification as a nation, ethnically speaking, from their nature and history, and who follow the same line of spiritual formation and development as one single will and consciousness—not as a race nor as a geographically determined region, but as a progeny that is rather the outcome of a history which perpetuates itself; a multitude unified by an idea embodied in the will to have power and to exist, conscious of itself and of its personality.

人们根据利益类别形成阶级。他们根据具有共同利益的不同经济活动而联合起来：但首先，他们组成国家。国家不仅仅是人口数量或构成人民多数群体的个体总和。因此，法西斯主义反对将人民等同于人数最多的个体并将其简化为多数群体的民主。但如果人们的观念——正如他们应该的那样——是基于质而非量的（qualitatively and not quantitatively），那么法西斯主义就是最纯粹的民主形式。质的观念是最连贯、最真实的，因此也是最道德的，因为它认为人民的实现体现在少数人甚至一个人的意识和意志中；而这一理想最终将在所有人的意识和意志（the consciousness and will of all）中得以实现。这里的“所有人”（“all”）指的是所有从民族特性和历史中汲取民族的正当性（justification），并以单一意志和意识遵循同一精神形成和发展路线的人——不是作为一个种族，也不是作为一个地理区域，而是作为一个延续自身历史的后代；一群因拥有权力和生存的意志所体现的理念而团结起来的人，他们有意识地认识到自身及其个性。

10. Conception of the State.（国家观念）

This higher personality is truly the nation, inasmuch as it is the State. The nation does not beget the State, according to the decrepit nationalistic concept which was used as a basis for the publicists of the national States in the Nineteenth Century. On the contrary, the nation is created by the State, which gives the people, conscious of their own moral unity, the will, and thereby an effective existence. The right of a nation to its independence is derived not from a literary and ideal consciousness of its own existence, much less from a de facto situation more or less inert and unconscious, but from an active consciousness, from an active political will disposed to demonstrate in its right; that is to say, a kind of State already in its pride (in fieri). The State, in fact, as a universal ethical will, is the creator of right.

这种更高层次的人格正是国族（nation），因为它就是国家。国族并非生出国家，这与十九世纪民族国家宣传家们所奉行的陈腐民族主义观念截然相反。相反，民族是由国家创造的，国家赋予人民意识，使人民意识到自身的道德统一性，从而获得意志，并最终实现有效的生存。一个民族的独立权利并非源于对自身存在的文学和理想化的意识，更非源于某种或多或少惰性和无意识的现实状况，而是源于一种积极的意识，一种积极的政治意志，这种意志旨在展现自身的权利；也就是说，一种已经充满自豪感（in fieri）的国家。事实上，国家作为一种普遍的伦理意志，正是权利的创造者。

11. Dynamic Reality.（动态的现实）

The nation as a State is an ethical reality which exists and lives in measure as it develops. A standstill is its death. Therefore the State is not only the authority which governs and which gives the forms of law and the worth of the spiritual life to the individual wills, but it is also the power which gives effect to its will in foreign matters, causing it to be recognised and respected by demonstrating through facts the universality of all the manifestations necessary for its development. Hence it is organization as well as expansion, and it may be thereby considered, at least virtually, equal to the very nature of the human will, which in its evolution recognises no barriers, and which realises itself by proving its infinity.

国族（nation）作为一种伦理现实，其存在和发展都遵循一定的规律。停滞不前即是死亡。因此，国家（State）不仅是统治的权威，赋予个人意志法律形式和精神生活价值，也是在外交事务中贯彻自身意志的力量，它通过展现自身发展所需一切表现形式的普遍性，使自身意志得到承认和尊重。因此，国家既是组织，也是扩张，至少在本质上，它可以被视为等同于人类意志的本质——人类意志在其演进过程中不畏惧任何障碍，并通过展现其无限性来实现自身。

12. The Rôle of the State.（国家的角色）

The Fascist State, the highest and the most powerful form of personality is a force, but a spiritual one. It reassumes all the forms of the moral and intellectual life of man. It cannot, therefore, be limited to a simple function of order and of safeguarding, as was contended by Liberalism. It is not a simple mechanism which limits the sphere of the presumed individual liberties. It is an internal form and rule, a discipline of the entire person: it penetrates the will as well as the intelligence. Its principle, a central inspiration of the living human personality in the civil community, descends into the depths and settles in the heart of the man of action as well as the thinker, of the artist as well as of the scientist; the soul of our soul.

法西斯国家，作为人格的最高形式和最强大的形式，是一种力量，但是一种精神力量。它重新占据了人类道德和智力生活的所有形式。因此，它不能像自由主义所主张的那样，仅仅局限于维持秩序和保障的简单功能。它并非限制所谓个人自由范围的简单机制。它是一种内在的形式和规则，一种对整个人格的约束：它渗透到意志和智力之中。它的原则，是市民社会中鲜活的人格的核心灵感，深入到行动者和思想家、艺术家和科学家的内心深处，扎根于我们灵魂的灵魂之中。

13. Discipline and Authority.（纪律与权威）

Fascism, in short, is not only a lawgiver and the founder of institutions, but an educator and a promoter of the spiritual life. It aims to rebuild not the forms of human life, but its content, the man, the character, the faith. And for this end it exacts discipline and an authority which descend into and dominates the interior of the spirit without opposition. Its emblem, therefore, is the lictorian fasces, symbol of unity, of force and of justice.

简而言之，法西斯主义不仅是立法者和制度的缔造者，也是精神生活的教育者和倡导者。它旨在重建的不是人类生活的形式，而是其内容——人本身、品格和信仰。为此，它推行纪律和权威，这种纪律和权威深入并支配着人们的精神世界，不容置疑。因此，它的标志是束棒（fasces），象征着团结、力量和正义。

Political And Social Doctrine（政治和社会学说）

1. Origins of the Doctrine.（该教义的起源）

When, in the now distant March of 1919, I summoned a meeting at Milan, through the columns of the Popolo d’Italia, of those who had supported and endured the war and who had followed me since the constitution of the fasci or Revolutionary Action in January 1915, there was no specific doctrinal plan in my mind. I had the experience of one only doctrine—that of Socialism from 1903-04 to the winter of 1914 about a decade—but I made it first in the ranks and later as a leader and it was never an experience in theory. My doctrine, even during that period, was a doctrine of action. A universally accepted doctrine of Socialism had not existed since 1915 when the revisionist movement started in Germany, under the leadership of Bernstein. Against this, in the swing of tendencies, a left revolutionary movement began to take shape, but in Italy it never went further than the “field of phrases,” whereas in Russian Socialistic circles it became the prelude of Bolscevism. “Reformism,” “revolutionarism,” “centrism,” this is a terminology of which even the echoes are now spent—but in the great river of Fascism are currents which flowed from Sorel, from Peguy, from Lagardelle and the “Mouvement Socialiste,” from Italian syndicalists which were legion between 1904 and 1914, and sounded a new note in Italian Socialist circles (weakened then by the betrayal of Giolitti) through Olivetti’s Pagine Libere, Orano’s La Lupa and Enrico Leone’s Divenire Sociale.

1919年3月，在如今已遥远的那个日子里，我召集了一群在战争中支持我、与我并肩作战，自1915年1月法西斯，或者说是革命行动（Revolutionary Action）成立以来就追随我的人们，在米兰的《意大利人民报》（Popolo d’Italia）¹⁰的旗帜下开会。当时，我的脑海中并没有任何具体的理论计划。我唯一接触过的理论是社会主义，从1903-04年到1914年冬，大约十年时间里，我一直奉行社会主义。但我最初是在基层，后来才成为领导者，而这并非理论层面的实践。¹¹即使在那个时期，我的理论也是一种行动的理论（a doctrine of action）。自1915年伯恩斯坦领导的德国修正主义运动¹²兴起以来，就再也没有出现过普遍接受的社会主义理论¹³。与此相反，在潮流的转变中，左翼革命运动开始成形，但在意大利，它始终停留在“口号”层面，而在俄国社会主义圈子里，它却成为了布尔什维克主义的前奏。“改良派”（Reformism）¹⁴、“革命派”（revolutionarism）¹⁵、“中间派”（centrism）¹⁶，这些术语如今连回声都已消逝——但在法西斯主义的洪流中，仍然流淌着源自索雷尔、佩吉、拉加代尔和“社会主义运动”（Mouvement Socialiste）17的思潮，源自1904年至1914年间数量众多的意大利工团主义者，并通过奥利维蒂的《自由页报》（Pagine Libere）¹⁷、奥拉诺的《母狼》（La Lupa）¹⁸和恩里科·莱昂内的《社会的生成》（Divenire Sociale）¹⁹等刊物，在当时因乔利蒂的背叛而实力削弱的意大利社会主义圈子中奏响了新的乐章。

After the War, in 1919, Socialism was already dead as a doctrine: it existed only as a grudge. In Italy especially, it had one only possibility of action: reprisals against those who had wanted the War and must now pay its penalty. The Popolo d’Italia carried as sub-title “daily of ex-service men and producers,” and the word producers was already then the expression of a turn of mind. Fascism was not the nursling of a doctrine previously worked out at a desk; it was born of the need for action and it was action. It was not a party, in fact during the first two years, it was an anti-party and a movement.

战后，到了1919年，社会主义作为一种理论早已消亡，它只剩下怨恨。尤其在意大利，它唯一的行动途径就是报复那些发动战争、如今必须付出代价的人。《意大利人民报》（Popolo d’Italia）的副标题是“退伍军人和生产者的日报”，而“生产者”一词在当时已经象征着一种思想的转变。法西斯主义并非预先在案头炮制的理论的雏形，它诞生于行动的需要，并且本身就是行动。它并非一个政党，事实上，在最初的两年里，它是一个反政党主张（anti-party）²⁰和一场运动。

The name I gave the organisation fixed its character. Yet whoever should read the now crumpled sheets with the minutes of the meeting at which the Italian “Fasci di Combattimento” were constituted, would fail to discover a doctrine, but would find a series of ideas, of anticipations, of hints which, liberated from the inevitable strangleholds of contingencies, were destined after some years to develop into doctrinal conceptions. Through them Fascism became a political doctrine to itself, different, by comparison, to all others whether contemporary or of the past.

我给这个组织起的名字决定了它的性质。然而，任何翻阅如今已皱巴巴的会议记录的人，都不会发现意大利“战斗法西斯”（Fasci di Combattimento）成立大会的会议纪要，而是会发现一系列想法、预判和暗示。这些想法、预判和暗示，在摆脱了不可避免的偶然因素的束缚后，注定会在几年后发展成为一种教条式的理念。通过这些理念，法西斯主义成为了一种独特的政治理论，与当时或过去的任何其他理论都截然不同。

I said then, “If the bourgeoisie think we are ready to act as lightning-conductors, they are mistaken. We must go towards labour. We wish to train the working classes to directive functions. We wish to convince them that it is not easy to manage Industry or Trade: we shall fight the technique and the spirit of the rearguard. When the succession of the regime is open, we must not lack the fighting spirit. We must rush and if the present regime be overcome, it is we who must fill its place. The claim to succession belongs to us, because it was we who forced the country into War and we who led her to victory. The present political representation cannot suffice: we must have a direct representation of all interest. Against this programme one might say it is a return to corporations. But that does not matter. Therefore I should like this assembly to accept the claims put in by national syndicalism from an economic standpoint….”

我当时说：“如果资产阶级认为我们准备充当避雷针，那就大错特错了。我们必须走向劳动。我们希望训练工人阶级发挥领导作用。我们希望让他们明白，管理工业或贸易并非易事：我们将与守势的技术和精神作斗争。当政权更迭公开时，我们绝不能缺乏战斗精神。我们必须奋起直追，如果现政权被推翻，取而代之的是我们。继承权（The claim to succession）属于我们，因为是我们迫使国家卷入战争，也是我们带领国家走向胜利。现有的政治代表制（political representation）远远不够：我们必须拥有所有利益的直接代表（direct representation）。²¹有人可能会说，这个纲领是回归法团制（corporations）²¹。但这无关紧要。因此，我希望大会从经济角度接受民族工团主义（national syndicalism）提出的要求……”

Is it not strange that the word corporations should have been uttered at the first meeting of Piazza San Sepolcro, when one considers that, in the course of the Revolution, it came to express one of the social and legislative creations at the very foundations of the regime?

考虑到在革命过程中，“法团”一词逐渐成为政权基础之一的社会和立法产物，那么在圣塞波尔克罗广场（Piazza San Sepolcro）的第一次会议上就提到“法团”一词，难道不奇怪吗？

2. Development.（发展）

The years which preceded the March on Rome were years in which the necessity of action did not permit complete doctrinal investigations or elaborations. The battle was raging in the towns and villages. There were discussions, but what was more important and sacred—there was death. Men knew how to die. The doctrine—all complete and formed, with divisions into chapters, paragraphs, and accompanying elucubrations—might be missing; but there was something more decided to replace it, there was faith.

在进军罗马之前的几年里，行动的紧迫性不允许对教义进行全面的研究或阐述。城镇乡村战火纷飞。人们进行着讨论，但更重要、更神圣的是什么呢？是死亡。人们懂得如何赴死。完整的、成文的教义——包括章节、段落和相应的阐释——或许已经缺失；但有一种更为坚定的东西取而代之，那就是信仰。

Notwithstanding, whoever remembers with the aid of books and speeches, whoever could search through them and select, would find that the fundamental principles were laid down whilst the battle raged. It was really in those years that the Fascist idea armed itself, became refined and proceeded towards organisation: the problems of the individual and of the State, the problems of authority and of liberty, the political and social problems, especially national; the fight against the liberal, democratic, socialistic and popular doctrines, was carried out together with the “punitive expeditions.”

然而，凡是借助书籍和演讲进行回忆的人，凡是能够查阅和甄选的人，都会发现，基本原则是在战斗激烈时期确立的。正是在那些年里，法西斯思想武装起来，日臻完善，并走向组织化：个人与国家的问题，权威与自由的问题，政治和社会问题，特别是民族问题；反对自由主义、民主主义、社会主义和民粹主义的斗争，与“惩罚性远征”（punitive expeditions）²²同时展开。

But as a “system” was lacking, our adversaries in bad faith, denied to Fascism any capacity to produce a doctrine, though that doctrine was growing tumultuously, at first under the aspect of violent and dogmatic negation, as happens to all newly-born ideas, and later under the positive aspect of construction which was successively realised, in the years 1926-27-28 through the laws and institutions of the regime. Fascism today stands clearly defined not only as a regime, but also as a doctrine. This word doctrine should be interpreted in the sense that Fascism, to-day, when passing criticism on itself and others, has its own point of view and its own point of reference, and therefore also its own orientation when facing those problems which beset the world in the spirit and in the matter.

但由于缺乏“体系”（system），我们的对手出于恶意，否认法西斯主义有能力形成任何理论。然而，这种理论却在蓬勃发展，起初如同所有新生思想一样，以暴力和教条式的否定形式出现；后来，它开始积极构建，并在1926、1927和1928年间通过政权的法律和制度逐步实现。如今，法西斯主义不仅作为一种政权，而且作为一种理论，都得到了清晰的界定。这里所说的“理论”应理解为：如今的法西斯主义在批判自身和他人时，拥有其自身的视角和参照点，因此，在面对困扰世界的精神和物质问题时，也拥有其自身的方向。

3. Against Pacifism: War and Life as a Duty.（反对和平主义：战争与生活是一种责任）

As far as the general future and development of humanity is concerned, and apart from any mere consideration of current politics, Fascism above all does not believe either in the possibility or utility of universal peace. It therefore rejects the pacifism which masks surrender and cowardice. War alone brings all human energies to their highest tension and sets a seal of nobility on the peoples who have the virtue to face it. All other tests are but substitutes which never make a man face himself in the alternative of life or death. A doctrine which has its starting-point at the prejudicial postulate of peace is therefore extraneous to Fascism.

就人类的未来和发展而言，撇开对当前政治的任何考量，法西斯主义首先不相信普遍和平的可能性或意义。因此，它拒绝那种掩盖投降和懦弱的和平主义。唯有战争才能将人类的所有能量推向极致，并赋予那些有勇气面对战争的民族以高贵的品格。所有其他考验都只是替代品，永远无法使人直面生死抉择。因此，以和平这一带有偏见的假设为出发点的理论与法西斯主义格格不入。

In the same way all international creations (which, as history demonstrates, can be blown to the winds when sentimental, ideal and practical elements storm the heart of a people) are also extraneous to the spirit of Fascism—even if such international creations are accepted for whatever utility they may have in any determined political situation.

同样地，所有国际创造（正如历史所证明的那样，当感伤、理想和实际的因素席卷一个民族的心灵时，这些创造就会随风而逝）也与法西斯主义的精神无关——即使这些国际创造在任何特定的政治形势中因其可能具有的实用性而被接受。

Fascism also transports this anti-pacifist spirit into the life of individuals. The proud squadrista motto “me ne frego” (“I don’t give a damn”) scrawled on the bandages of the wounded is an act of philosophy—not only stoic. It is a summary of a doctrine not only political: it is an education in strife and an acceptance of the risks which it carried: it is a new style of Italian life. It is thus that the Fascist loves and accepts life, ignores and disdains suicide; understands life as a duty, a lifting up, a conquest; something to be filled in and sustained on a high plane; a thing that has to be lived through for its own sake, but above all for the sake of others near and far, present and future.

法西斯主义也将这种反和平主义精神融入到个人的生活中。伤员绷带上潦草地写着骄傲的“me ne frego”（“老子根本不在乎”），这不仅仅是斯多葛主义（stoic）²³，更是一种哲学——一种超越政治的哲学。它概括了一种不仅限于政治的信条：它是一种斗争的教育，一种对斗争风险的接受：它是一种全新的意大利生活方式。因此，法西斯主义者热爱并接受生命，忽视并鄙视自杀；他们将生命理解为一种责任、一种提升、一种征服；一种需要被充实并维持在更高层次上的东西；一种必须为了自身而活，但更重要的是为了身边和远方、现在和未来的人而活的东西。

4. The Demographic Policy and the “Neighbour.”（人口政策与“邻人”）

The “demographic” policy of the regime is the result of these premises. The Fascist also loves his neighbour, but “neighbour” is not for him a vague and undefinable word: love for his neighbour does not prevent necessary educational severities. Fascism rejects professions of universal affection and, though living in the community of civilised peoples, it watches them and looks at them diffidently. It follows them in their state of mind and in the transformation of their interests, but it does not allow itself to be deceived by fallacious and mutable appearances.

该政权的“人口”政策正是基于这些前提。法西斯分子也爱他的邻居，但对他而言，“邻人”（neighbour）并非一个模糊不清的词：“爱邻人”并不意味着可以免除必要的教育严苛。法西斯主义拒绝宣扬普世之爱（universal affection），尽管生活在文明民族的共同体中，却对他们保持着警惕和怀疑。它关注着他们的思想状态和利益转变，但不会被虚假和变幻莫测的表象所蒙蔽。

5. Against Historical Materialism and Class-Struggle.（反对历史唯物主义和阶级斗争）

Through this conception of life Fascism becomes the emphatic negation of that doctrine which constituted the basis of the so-called scientific Socialism or Marxism: the doctrine of historical materialism, according to which the story of human civilisation is to be explained only by the conflict of interests between the various social groups and by the change of the means and instruments of production.

通过这种生活观念，法西斯主义成为构成所谓科学社会主义或马克思主义基础的学说——历史唯物主义学说——的明确否定。根据历史唯物主义，人类文明史只能用不同社会群体之间的利益冲突以及生产资料和工具的变革来解释。

That the economic vicissitudes—discovery of prime or raw materials, new methods of labour, scientific inventions—have their particular importance, is denied by none, but that they suffice to explain human history, excluding other factors from it, is absurd: Fascism still believes in sanctity and in heroism, that is to say in acts in which no economic motive, immediate or remote, operates.

经济变迁——主要或原材料的发现、新的劳动方法、科学发明——具有其特殊的重要性，这一点无人否认；但认为它们足以解释人类历史，而排除其他因素，则是荒谬的：法西斯主义仍然相信神圣和英雄主义，也就是说，相信没有任何直接或间接的经济动机在其中发挥作用的行为。

Fascism having denied historical materialism, by which men are only puppets in history, appearing and disappearing on the surface of the tides while in the depths the real directive forces act and labour, it also denies the class warfare, which is the natural filiation of such an economistic conception of history: and it denies above all that class warfare is the preponderating agent of social transformation.

法西斯主义否认历史唯物主义，认为人只是历史的傀儡，在潮汐的表面出现和消失，而真正的指导力量在深处发挥作用；它也否认阶级斗争是不可改变和无法弥合的（immutable and irreparable），而阶级斗争正是这种经济主义历史观中的自然产物；它尤其否认阶级斗争是社会变革的主要推动力。

Being defeated on these two capital points of its doctrine, nothing remains of Socialism save the sentimental aspiration—as old as humanity—to achieve a community of social life in which the sufferings and hardships of the humblest classes are alleviated. But here Fascism repudiates the concept of an economic “happiness” which is to be—at a given moment in the evolution of economy—socialistically and almost automatically realised by assuring to all the maximum of well-being.

社会主义在其理论的这两个核心要点上失败后，除了人类自古以来就有的感伤愿望——建立一个能够减轻最底层阶级苦难的社会生活共同体——之外，什么也没剩下。但法西斯主义却否定了经济“幸福”的概念，（这种观点）认为在经济发展的特定阶段，这种幸福可以通过保障所有人的最大福祉，以社会主义的方式几乎自动实现。

Fascism denies the possibilities of the materialistic concept of “happiness”—it leaves that to the economists of the first half of the Seventeenth Century; that is, it denies the equation “well-being-happiness,” which reduces man to the state of the animals, mindful of only one thing—that of being fed and fattened; reduced, in fact, to a pure and simple vegetative existence.

法西斯主义否认了唯物主义关于“幸福”概念的可能性——它把这个概念留给了十七世纪上半叶的经济学家；也就是说，它否认了“福祉-幸福”的等式，将人简化为动物的状态，只关心一件事——被喂饱和被养肥；实际上，简化为纯粹的、简单的植物性存在。

6. Against Democratic Ideologies.（反对民主的意识形态）

After disposing of Socialism, Fascism opens a breach on the whole complex of the democratic ideologies, and repudiates them in their theoretic premises as well as in their practical application or instrumentation. Fascism denies that numbers, by the mere fact of being numbers, can direct human society; it denies that these numbers can govern by means of periodical consultations; it affirms also the fertilising, beneficient and unassailable inequality of men, who cannot be levelled through an extrinsic and mechanical process such as universal suffrage.

在消灭社会主义之后，法西斯主义在民主意识形态的整个复杂性上打开了一个缺口，并在其理论前提以及其实际应用或手段上否定了它们。法西斯主义否认，仅仅因为一个群体人数众多，它就因此获得了支配社会的权利；它否认这些数字可以通过定期协商的方式进行管理；它还确认了男性之间的生育、仁慈和无可争议的不平等，而这种不平等无法通过普选权等外在和机械的过程来实现。

Regimes can be called democratic which, from time to time, give the people the illusion of being sovereign, whereas the real and effective sovereignty exists in other, and very often secret and irresponsible forces.

有些政权可以被称为民主政权，它们不时地给人民一种拥有主权的错觉，而真正的、有效的主权却存在于其他、而且往往是秘密的、不负责任的力量之中。

Democracy is a regime without a king, but very often with many kings, far more exclusive, tyrannical and ruinous than a single king, even if he be a tyrant. This explains why Fascism which, for contingent reasons, had assumed a republican tendency before 1922, renounced it previous to the March on Rome, with the conviction that the political constitution of a State is not nowadays a supreme question; and that, if the examples of past and present monarchies and past and present republics are studied, the result is that neither monarchies nor republics are to be judged under the assumption of eternity, but that they merely represent forms in which the extrinsic political evolution takes shape as well as the history, the tradition and the psychology of a given country.

民主制没有国王，但往往有多个国王，其排他性、专横性（tyrannical）和破坏性远胜于单一国王，即便该国王本身是暴君（tyrant）。²⁴这解释了为何法西斯主义在1922年之前出于种种偶然原因曾表现出共和倾向，但在进军罗马之前却放弃了这一倾向，因为它坚信，一个国家的政治体制如今并非至高无上的问题；并且，如果研究过去和现在的君主制和共和制国家的例子，就会发现，君主制和共和制都不应被视为永恒不变的，它们仅仅代表了特定国家外部政治演变以及历史、传统和心理所塑造的不同形式。

Consequently, Fascism glides over the antithesis between monarchy and republic, on which democraticism wasted time, blaming the former for all social shortcomings and exalting the latter as a regime of perfection. We have now seen that there are republics which may be profoundly absolutist and reactionary, and monarchies which welcome the most venturesome social and political experiments.

因此，法西斯主义不再纠缠于君主制与共和制之间的对立——民主主义却在这个问题上浪费了大量时间，把社会的一切缺陷归咎于前者，同时把后者奉为一种完美的政体。我们现在已经看到，有些共和国可能极其专制（absolutist）²⁵和反动，而有些君主制则欢迎最具冒险精神的社会和政治实验。

7. Untruths of Democracy.（民主的谎言）

“Reason and science” says Renan (who had certain pre-fascist enlightenments) in one of his philosophical meditations, “are products of mankind, but to seek reason directly for the people and through the people is a chimera. It is not necessary for the existence of reason that everybody should know it. In any case if this initiation were to be brought about it could not be through low-class democracy, which seems to lead rather to the extinction of every difficult culture and of every great discipline. The principle that society exists only for the welfare and liberty of individuals composing it, does not seem to conform with the plans of nature: plans in which the species only is taken into consideration and the individual appears sacrificed. It is strongly to be feared that the last word of democracy thus understood (I hasten to add that it can also be differently understood) would be a social state in which a degenerated mass would have no preoccupation other than that of enjoying the ignoble pleasures of the vulgar person.”

勒南（Renan，他曾有过一些法西斯主义之前的启蒙思想）²⁶在其一篇哲学沉思录中写道：“理性与科学是人类的产物，但直接为人民、通过人民寻求理性，不过是痴人说梦。理性的存在并非要求人人皆知。无论如何，即便要实现这种启蒙，也不可能是通过低级民主，因为低级民主似乎只会导致一切艰深的文化和一切伟大的学科的消亡。社会存在的唯一目的在于其组成个体的福祉和自由，这一原则似乎与自然法则相悖：自然法则只考虑物种，而牺牲个体。令人担忧的是，如此理解的民主（我还要补充一点，民主也可以有不同的理解）最终会演变成一个社会状态，在这个社会里，堕落的大众除了享受庸俗的享乐之外，别无所求。”

Thus Renan. In Democracy Fascism rejects the absurd conventional falsehood of political equality, the habit of collective responsibility and the myth of indefinite progress and happiness.

因此，勒南认为，民主的法西斯主义摒弃了政治平等的荒谬传统谎言、集体责任的习惯以及无限进步和幸福的神话。

But if there be a different understanding of Democracy if, in other words, Democracy can also signify to not push the people back as far as the margins of the State, then Fascism may well have been defined by the present writer as “an organised, centralised, authoritarian Democracy.”

但是，如果对民主有不同的理解，换句话说，如果民主也可以意味着不把人民推到国家的边缘，那么法西斯主义很可能被笔者定义为“有组织的、中央集权的、权威化的民主”。

8. Against Liberal Doctrines.（反对自由主义教条）

As regards the Liberal doctrines, the attitude of Fascism is one of absolute opposition both in the political and in the economical field. There is no need to exaggerate the importance of Liberalism in the last century—simply for the sake of present-day polemics—and to transform one of the numerous doctrines unfolded in that last century into a religion of humanity for all times, present and future. Liberalism did not flourish for more than a period of fifteen years. It was born in 1830 from the reaction to the Holy Alliance which attempted to set Europe back to the period which preceeded ’89 and had its years of splendour in 1848, when also Pius IX was a Liberal. Its decadence began immediately afterwards. If 1848 was a year of light and poesy, 1849 was a year of weakness and tragedy. The Roman Republic was killed by another Republic, the French Republic. In the same year Marx issued his famous manifesto of Communism. In 1851 Napoleon III made his anti-Liberal coup d’état and reigned over France until 1870. He was overthrown by a popular movement, following one of the greatest defeats registered in history. The victor was Bismarck, who always ignored the religion of liberty and its prophets. It is symptomatic that a people of high civilisation like the Germans completely ignored the religion of liberty throughout the whole Nineteenth Century—with but one parenthesis, represented by that which was called “the ridiculous parliament of Frankfurt” which lasted one season. Germany realised its national unity outside of Liberalism, against Liberalism—a doctrine which seemed alien to the German spirit essentially monarchical, since Liberalism is the historical and logical ante-chamber of anarchy.

就自由主义理论而言，法西斯主义在政治和经济领域都持绝对反对的态度。没有必要为了迎合当下的论战而夸大自由主义在上个世纪的重要性，更没有必要将上个世纪众多理论之一塑造成适用于所有时代（包括现在和未来）的人道主义宗教。自由主义的鼎盛时期不过十五年。它诞生于1830年，是对试图将欧洲拉回到1889年之前的神圣同盟的反动。自由主义的鼎盛时期是1848年，当时的庇护九世也是一位自由主义者。此后，自由主义立即走向衰落。如果说1848年是充满光明与诗意的一年，那么1849年则是软弱与悲剧的一年。罗马共和国被另一个共和国——法兰西共和国——所终结。同年，马克思发表了著名的《共产党宣言》。 1851年，拿破仑三世发动反自由主义政变，统治法国直至1870年。他最终被民众运动推翻，遭遇了历史上最惨重的失败之一。胜利者是俾斯麦，他始终无视自由主义及其倡导者。一个高度文明的民族——德国人——在整个十九世纪都完全无视自由主义，这本身就极具象征意义——唯一的例外是那场昙花一现的、被称为“荒谬的法兰克福议会”（the ridiculous parliament of Frankfurt）²⁷的短暂存在。德国在自由主义之外，甚至反对自由主义，实现了民族团结——这种理论似乎与德国人本质上的君主制精神格格不入，因为自由主义在历史上和逻辑上都是无政府状态的前奏。

The three wars of 1864, 1866 and 1870 conducted by “Liberals” like Moltke and Bismarck mark the three stages of German unity. As for Italian unity, Liberalism played a very inferior part in the make-up of Mazzini and Garibaldi, who were not liberals. Without the intervention of the anti-Liberal Napoleon we would not have had Lombardy, and without the help of the anti-Liberal Bismarck at Sadowa and Sedan it is very likely that we would not have got Venice in 1866, or that we would have entered Rome in 1870.

由毛奇和俾斯麦等“自由主义者”发动的1864年、1866年和1870年的三场战争，标志着德国统一的三个阶段。至于意大利的统一，自由主义在马志尼和加里波第的统治中扮演的角色微乎其微，因为他们并非自由主义者。如果没有反自由主义的拿破仑的干预，我们就不会拥有伦巴第；如果没有反自由主义的俾斯麦在萨多瓦和色当的援助，我们很可能无法在1866年攻占威尼斯，也无法在1870年进入罗马。

During the period of 1870-1915 the preachers of the new Credo themselves denounced the twilight of their religion; it was beaten in the breach by decadence in literature. It was beaten in the open by decadence in practice. Activism: that is to say, nationalism, futurism. Fascism.

在1870年至1915年间，新信条的宣扬者们自己也谴责了他们宗教的衰落；文学上的颓废已经让它遭受重创，实践上的颓废更是让它公开溃败。激进主义（Activism）：也就是民族主义（nationalism）、未来主义（futurism）、法西斯主义（Fascism）。

The “Liberal Century” after having accumulated an infinity of Gordian knots, sought to cut them in the hecatomb of the World War. Never did any religion impose such a terrible sacrifice. Have the gods of Liberalism slaked their blood-thirst?

“自由主义世纪”在积累了无数戈尔迪之结之后，试图通过世界大战的浩劫来斩断它们。没有任何宗教要求过如此惨烈的牺牲。自由主义之神是否已经满足了他们的嗜血欲望？

Liberalism is now on the point of closing the doors of its deserted temples because nations feel that its agnosticism in the economic field and its indifference in political and moral matters, causes, as it has already caused, the sure ruin of States. That is why all the political experiences of the contemporary world are anti-Liberal, and it is supremely silly to seek to classify them as things outside of history—as if history were a hunting ground reserved to Liberalism and its professors; as if Liberalism were the last and incomparable word of civilisation.

自由主义如今已濒临关闭其荒芜殿堂的大门，因为各国都感到，它在经济领域的不可知论以及在政治和道德事务上的漠不关心，正如它已经造成的那样，必将导致国家的毁灭。正因如此，当代世界的所有政治经验都是反自由主义的，试图将它们归类为历史之外的事物是极其愚蠢的——仿佛历史是自由主义及其拥护者专属的狩猎场；仿佛自由主义是文明的最终且无与伦比的真理。

9. Fascism Does Not Turn Back.（法西斯不走回头路）

The Fascist negation of Socialism, of Democracy, of Liberalism, should not lead one to believe that Fascism wishes to push the world back to where it was before 1879, the date accepted as the opening year of the demo-Liberal century. One cannot turn back. The Fascist doctrine has not chosen De Maistre for its prophet. Monarchical absolutism is a thing of the past, and so is the worship of church power. Feudal privileges and divisions into impenetrable castes with no connection between them, are also “have beens.” The conception of Fascist authority has nothing in common with the Police. A party that totally rules a nation is a new chapter in history. References and comparisons are not possible. From the ruins of the socialist, liberal and democratic doctrines, Fascism picks those elements that still have a living value; keeps those that might be termed “facts acquired by history,” and rejects the rest: namely the conception of a doctrine good for all times and all people.

法西斯主义对社会主义、民主和自由主义的否定，不应使人误以为它想把世界拉回1879年之前的状态——1879年被公认为民主自由主义世纪的开端。回头路已然不复存在。法西斯主义的教条并非以德·梅斯特为先知。君主专制已成为历史，对教会权力的崇拜亦是如此。封建特权和等级森严、彼此毫无关联的社会结构，也早已成为过去。法西斯权威的概念与警察制度截然不同。一个政党完全统治一个国家，这开启了历史的新篇章。两者之间已无可比拟。法西斯主义从社会主义、自由主义和民主主义的废墟中，拾取那些仍然具有生命力的元素；保留那些可以称之为“历史事实”的部分；并摒弃其余部分：即那种认为某种教条适用于所有时代和所有民族的观念。

Admitting that the Nineteenth Century was the Century of Socialism, Liberalism and Democracy, it is not said that the Twentieth century must also be the century of Socialism, of Liberalism, of Democracy. Political doctrines pass on, but peoples remain. One may now think that this will be the century of authority, the century of the “right wing” the century of Fascism. If the Nineteenth Century was the century of the individual (liberalism signifies individualism) one may think that this will be the century of “collectivism,” the century of the State. It is perfectly logical that a new doctrine should utilise the vital elements of other doctrines. No doctrine was ever born entirely new and shining, never seen before. No doctrine can boast of absolute “originality.” Each doctrine is bound historically to doctrines which went before, to doctrines yet to come. Thus the scientific Socialism of Marx is bound to the Utopian Socialism of Fourier, of Owen, of Saint-Simon; thus the Liberalism of 1800 is linked with the movement of 1700. Thus Democratic doctrines are bound to the Encyclopaedists. Each doctrine tends to direct human activity towards a definite object; but the activity of man reacts upon the doctrine, transforms it and adapts it to new requirements, or overcomes it. Doctrine therefore should be an act of life and not an academy of words. In this lie the pragmatic veins of Fascism, its will to power, its will to be, its position with regard to “violence” and its value.

承认十九世纪是社会主义、自由主义和民主的世纪，并不意味着二十世纪也必然是社会主义、自由主义和民主的世纪。政治学说会更迭，但民族永存。人们或许会认为这将是权威的世纪，是“右翼”的世纪，是法西斯主义的世纪。如果说十九世纪是个人主义的世纪（自由主义意味着个人主义），那么人们或许会认为这将是“集体主义”（collectivism）的世纪，是国家的世纪。新学说借鉴其他学说的关键要素是完全合乎逻辑的。没有任何学说是完全崭新、前所未见的。没有任何学说可以自诩绝对的“原创性”。每一种学说都与之前的历史学说以及未来的学说有着千丝万缕的联系。因此，马克思的科学社会主义与傅立叶、欧文和圣西门的空想社会主义密不可分；因此，1800年的自由主义与1700年的运动紧密相连。同样，民主理论也与百科全书派²⁸密不可分。每一种理论都旨在引导人类活动朝着某个特定目标前进；然而，人类的活动会反过来影响理论，使其发生转变并适应新的需求，甚至最终超越理论本身。因此，理论应当是一种生活实践，而非空洞的文字堆砌。这便是法西斯主义的实用主义脉络，它对权力的渴望、对存在的追求、对“暴力”的态度以及其价值观都源于此。

10. The Value and Mission of the State.（国家的价值和使命）

The capital point of the Fascist doctrine is the conception of the State, its essence, the work to be accomplished, its final aims. In the conception of Fascism, the State is an absolute before which individuals and groups are relative. Individuals and groups are “conceivable” inasmuch as they are in the State. The Liberal State does not direct the movement and the material and spiritual evolution of collectivity, but limits itself to recording the results; the Fascist State has its conscious conviction, a will of its own, and for this reason it is called an “ethical” State.

法西斯主义理论的核心在于其对国家的理解，包括国家的本质、要完成的工作以及最终目标。在法西斯主义的观念中，国家是绝对的，个人和群体在其面前都是相对的。个人和群体之所以“可设想”，是因为它们存在于国家之中。自由主义国家并不指导集体的运动及其物质和精神发展，而仅仅记录结果；法西斯国家则拥有其自觉的信念和意志，因此被称为“伦理”国家。

In 1929 at the first quinquiennial assembly of the Regime, I said: “In Fascism the State is not a night-watchman, only occupied with the personal safety of the citizens, nor is it an organisation with purely material aims, such as that of assuring a certain well-being and a comparatively easy social cohabitation. A board of directors would be quite sufficient to deal with this. It is not a purely political creation, either, detached from the complex material realities of the life of individuals and of peoples. The State as conceived and enacted by Fascism, is a spiritual and moral fact since it gives concrete form to the political, juridical and economical organisation of the country. Furthermore this organisation as it rises and develops, is a manifestation of the spirit. The State is a safeguard of interior and exterior safety but it is also the keeper and the transmitter of the spirit of the people, as it was elaborated throughout the ages, in its language, customs and beliefs. The State is not only the present, but it is also the past and above all the future. The State, inasmuch as it transcends the short limits of individual lives, represents the immanent conscience of the nation. The forms in which the State expresses itself are subject to changes, but the necessity for the State remains. It is the State which educates the citizens in civic virtues, gives them a consciousness of their mission, presses them towards unity; the State harmonizes their interests through justice, transmits to prosperity the attainments of thoughts, in science, in art, in laws, in the solidarity of mankind. The State leads men from primitive tribal life to that highest expression of human power which is Empire; links up through the centuries the names of those who died to preserve its integrity or to obey its laws; holds up the memory of the leaders who increased its territory, and of the geniuses who cast the light of glory upon it, as an example for future generations to follow. When the conception of the State declines and disintegrating or centrifugal tendencies prevail, whether of individuals or groups, then the national society is about to set.”

1929年，在政权第一次五年一次的大会上，我说道：“在法西斯主义中，国家并非仅仅是守夜人（night-watchman）²⁹，只负责公民的人身安全；它也不是纯粹以物质目标为导向的组织，例如保障某种福祉和相对轻松的社会共处。一个董事会就足以处理这些问题。国家也不是脱离个人和民族生活复杂物质现实的纯粹政治产物。法西斯主义构想和实践的国家是一种精神和道德实体，因为它赋予了国家的政治、法律和经济组织以具体的形式。此外，这种组织的兴起和发展本身就是精神的体现。国家是内外安全的保障，同时也是人民精神的守护者和传承者，这种精神历经岁月，通过语言、习俗和信仰得以发展。国家不仅是现在，它也是……”。过去，尤其是未来。国家超越了个人生命的短暂局限，代表着民族内在的良知。国家的表现形式会不断变化，但国家的必要性却始终存在。正是国家教育公民，培养他们的公民美德，赋予他们使命感，促使他们走向团结；国家通过公正协调他们的利益，将思想、科学、艺术、法律以及人类团结的成果传递给繁荣昌盛的人民。国家引领人类从原始的部落生活走向人类力量的最高体现——帝国；将那些为维护国家完整或遵守国家法律而牺牲的人们的名字串联起来，贯穿几个世纪；将那些扩张国家疆域的领袖和那些为国家带来荣耀的杰出人物铭记于心，作为后世的榜样。当国家观念衰落，个人或群体出现瓦解或离心倾向时，民族共同体（national society）³⁰便将走向衰亡。

11. The Unity of the State and the Contradictions of Capitalism.（国家统一性与资本主义的矛盾）

From 1929 onwards to the present day, the universal, political and economical evolution has still further strengthened the doctrinal positions. The giant who rules is the State. The one who can resolve the dramatic contradictions of capital is the State. What is called the crisis cannot be resolved except by the State and in the State. Where are the ghosts of Jules Simon who, at the dawn of Liberalism, proclaimed that “the State must set to work to make itself useless and prepare its resignation?” Of MacCulloch who, in the second half of the past century, proclaimed that the State must abstain from ruling? What would the Englishman Bentham say today to the continual and inevitably-invoked intervention of the State in the sphere of economics, while, according to his theories, industry should ask no more of the State than to be left in peace? Or the German Humboldt according to whom an “idle” State was the best kind of State? It is true that the second wave of Liberal economists were less extreme than the first, and Adam Smith himself opened the door—if only very cautiously—to let State intervention into the economic field.

自1929年至今，全球政治经济的演变进一步强化了这些教条立场。统治一切的巨人是国家。能够解决资本内部巨大矛盾的也是国家。所谓的危机，除了国家之外，别无他法，只能在国家内部解决。自由主义曙光初现之时，儒勒·西蒙曾宣称“国家必须着手使自身无用，并准备退出”，如今他的幽灵又在哪里？上世纪下半叶，麦卡洛克曾宣称国家必须放弃统治，如今他的幽灵又在哪里？英国人边沁如今会如何看待国家对经济领域的持续干预，而根据他的理论，工业界对国家的要求不过是享有不受干涉的宁静？德国人洪堡又会如何看待“无所事事”的国家才是最好的国家？诚然，第二波自由主义经济学家不如第一波激进，亚当·斯密本人也为国家干预经济领域打开了一扇门——尽管非常谨慎。

If Liberalism signifies the individual—then Fascism signifies the State. But the Fascist State is unique of its kind and is an original creation. It is not reactionary but revolutionary, inasmuch as it anticipates the solution of certain universal problems such as those which are treated elsewhere: 1) in the political sphere, by the subdivisions of parties, in the preponderance of parliamentarism and in the irresponsibilities of assemblies; 2) in the economic sphere, by the functions of trade unions which are becoming constantly more numerous and powerful, whether in the labour or industrial fields, in their conflicts and combinations, and 3) in the moral sphere by the necessity of order, discipline, obedience to those who are the moral dictators of the country. Fascism wants the State to be strong, organic and at the same time supported on a wide popular basis. As part of its task the Fascist State has penetrated the economic field: through the corporative, social and educational institutions which it has created. The presence of the State is felt in the remotest ramifications of the country. And in the State also, all the political, economic and spiritual forces of the nation circulate, mustered in their respective organisations.

如果说自由主义代表个人，那么法西斯主义则代表国家。但法西斯国家是独一无二的，是一种原创性的产物。它并非反动的，而是革命的，因为它预示着某些普遍问题的解决之道，这些问题在其他地方已有论述：1）在政治领域，体现在政党的分裂、议会制度的盛行以及大会（assemblies）的不负责任；2）在经济领域，体现在工会的功能，这些工会在劳工和工业领域都日益壮大，其间的冲突和联合；3）在道德领域，体现在秩序、纪律以及对国家道德专政者（moral dictators）的服从的必要性。法西斯主义希望国家强大、有机，同时又拥有广泛的民众支持。作为其任务的一部分，法西斯国家已经渗透到经济领域：通过它所创建的社团、社会和教育机构。国家的存在渗透到这个国家最偏远的角落。同时，国家的所有政治、经济和精神力量也都在国家内部流动，并聚集在各自的组织中。

A State which stands on the support of millions of individuals who recognise it, who believe in it, who are ready to serve it, is not the tyrannical State of the mediaeval lord. It has nothing in common with the absolutist States before or after ’89. The individual in the Fascist State is not annulled but rather multiplied, just as in a regiment a soldier is not diminished, but multiplied by the number of his comrades.

一个建立在数百万承认它、信仰它、并愿意为它服务的人民支持之上的国家，绝非中世纪领主的暴政国家。它与1989年前后的专制国家毫无共同之处。在法西斯国家，个人不会被抹杀，反而会得到增强，正如在军队中，士兵的力量不会减弱，反而会因其战友的数量而倍增。

The Fascist State organises the nation, but leaves a sufficient margin afterward to the individual; it has limited the useless or harmful liberties and has preserved the essential ones. The one to judge in this respect is not the individual but the State.

法西斯国家组织国家，但之后仍为个人留有足够的空间；它限制了无用或有害的自由，保留了必要的自由。在这方面，评判的不是个人，而是国家。

12. The Fascist State and Religion.（法西斯国家与宗教）

The Fascist State is not indifferent to the presence or the fact of religion in general nor to the presence of that particular established religion, which is Italian Catholicism. The State has no theology, but it has morality. In the Fascist State religion is considered as one of the most profound manifestations of the spirit; it is therefore not only respected, but defended and protected. The Fascist State does not create its own “God,” as Robespierre wanted to do at a certain moment in the frenzies of the Convention; nor does it vainly endeavour to cancel the idea of God from the mind as Bolschevism tries to do. Fascism respects the God of the ascetics, of the saints and of the heroes. It also respects God as he is conceived and prayed to in the ingenuous and primitive heart of the people.

法西斯国家并非对宗教的存在或事实漠不关心，无论是对意大利天主教这一特定国教，还是对宗教本身。国家没有神学，但有道德。在法西斯国家，宗教被视为精神最深刻的体现之一；因此，它不仅受到尊重，而且受到捍卫和保护。法西斯国家不会像罗伯斯庇尔在国民公会狂热时期那样，创造自己的“上帝”³¹；也不会像布尔什维克主义那样，徒劳地试图从人们的头脑中抹去上帝的观念。³²法西斯主义尊重苦行者、圣徒和英雄所信奉的上帝。它也尊重人民纯真质朴的心灵中所理解和祈祷的上帝。

13. Empire and Discipline.（帝国与纪律）

The Fascist State is a will expressing power and empire. The Roman tradition here becomes an idea of force. In the Fascist doctrine, empire is not only a territorial or a military, or a commercial expression: it is a moral and a spiritual one. An empire can be thought of, for instance, as a nation which directly or indirectly guides other nations—without the need of conquering a single mile of territory. For Fascism, the tendency to empire, that is to say the expansion of nations, is a manifestation of vitality, its contrary (the stay-at-home attitude) is a sign of decadence. Peoples who rise, or who suddenly flourish again, are imperialistic; peoples who die are peoples who abdicate. Fascism is a doctrine which most adequately represents the tendencies, the state of mind of a people like the Italian people, which is rising again after many centuries of abandonment and of foreign servitude.

法西斯国家是一种表达权力和帝国意志的体现。罗马传统在此成为一种强权理念。在法西斯主义理论中，帝国不仅指领土、军事或商业上的帝国，更是一种道德和精神上的帝国。例如，帝国可以被视为一个直接或间接引导其他国家的国家——而无需征服一寸土地。对法西斯主义而言，帝国倾向，即国家扩张，是活力的体现；其反面（固守己见的态度）则是衰落的标志。崛起或再次繁荣的民族是帝国主义的；消亡的民族则是退位的。法西斯主义理论最能恰当地代表像意大利这样的民族的倾向和精神状态，这个民族在经历了几个世纪的遗弃和外国奴役后正在重新崛起。

But empire requires discipline, the coordination of forces, duty and sacrifice. This explains many phases of the practical action of the regime. It explains the aims of many of the forces of the State and the necessary severity against those who would oppose themselves to this spontaneous and irresistible movement of the Italy of the Twentieth century by trying to appeal to the discredited ideologies of the Nineteenth century, which have been repudiated wherever great experiments of political and social transformation have been daringly undertaken.

但帝国需要纪律、力量协调、责任和牺牲。这解释了政权实际行动的诸多阶段。它解释了国家诸多力量的目标，以及对那些试图援引十九世纪早已被摒弃的意识形态来反对二十世纪意大利这场自发而不可阻挡的运动的人所采取的必要严厉措施。这些意识形态在任何地方，只要大胆地进行过伟大的政治和社会变革实验，就都已被摒弃。

Never more than at the present moment have the nations felt such a thirst for an authority, for a direction, for order. If every century has its own peculiar doctrine, there are a thousand indications that Fascism is that of the present century. That it is a doctrine of life is shown by the fact that it has created a faith; that the faith has taken possession of the mind is demonstrated by the fact that Fascism has had its Fallen and its martyrs.

但帝国需要纪律、力量协调、责任和牺牲。这解释了政权实际行动的诸多阶段。它解释了国家诸多力量的目标，以及对那些试图援引十九世纪早已被摒弃的意识形态来反对二十世纪意大利这场自发而不可阻挡的运动的人所采取的必要严厉措施。这些意识形态在任何地方，只要大胆地进行过伟大的政治和社会变革实验，就都已被摒弃。

Fascism has now attained in the world an universality over all doctrines. Being realised, it represents an epoch in the history of the human mind.

法西斯主义如今已在世界范围内超越一切理论，获得了普遍性。它的实现标志着人类思想史上的一个新纪元。

注释

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1 欧洲语言中，英语state、法语État、德语Staat、西班牙语estado等是政治学词汇。最早来自于意大利思想家马基雅维利所用的意大利语：statos一词，该词来自于拉丁语：status，本义为“现状”。State 是政府的一般化形式，指的是一个在法理上如同一个单一整体运作的组织群体，这个组织中的成员有共同的认同，采取共同行动。State得用以指称地方政府，如行省，可以指联邦制国家下的个别成员，也可以用来指一个国家。一个拥有主权的国家，称为主权国家。一些state是有主权的（称为主权国）。而另一些state则受外部主权或霸权的约束，其中最高权力在于另一个国家，例如构成国及诸侯国。苏联内的state，有俄罗斯、白俄罗斯与乌克兰等多个国家，他们也都是联合国会员，使得苏联一国具有联合国的三票。此外，state也可以指政区。受马基雅维利及其《君主论》的影响，使“state”一词开始代指国家。在学术界上没有state最适当定义的共识。“state”一词指的是一套不同的，但相互关联的，经常重叠的理论，关于一定范围的政治现象而定义这个术语的行为会被视为意识形态冲突的一部分，因为不同的定义会导致不同的国家功能理论，并因此验证不同的政治策略。 ↩

2 country ，本义为一块有特定范围的土地，类似于罗曼语族的法语：pays、西班牙语：país，皆是领土的意思，与汉语“国”的原始意义接近，这个单字可以指在主权国家之下的一个特定区域，也可以指独立主权国家（sovereign country）的领土，经由引申，成为国家的意思。country一词并不只代表主权国家，在形容主权国家时，翻译为国家；而在用于形容争议地段或者无主权地区时，翻译为地区。 ↩

3 严格来说，positivism（实证主义）是19世纪形成的哲学传统，它通常与孔德联系起来，强调经验事实、科学知识以及以科学方法研究自然和社会。墨索里尼在这里以较宽泛且带有论战色彩的方式使用该词，将18世纪启蒙思想中的经验主义、自然主义、唯物主义及其所理解的科学主义倾向概括为一种“实证主义”，并将其与人的自由意志和精神性相对立。因此，需要注意的是，墨索里尼所谓“18世纪的实证主义”在严格的哲学史分期上并不准确；现代意义上的实证主义主要形成于19世纪。下文“Anti-positivist, but positive”中的 positive 则并非“实证主义的”之意，而是“积极的、肯定的”，与作者对怀疑主义、不可知论、悲观主义及消极乐观主义的批判相对应。 ↩

4 此处的 religious 不宜仅理解为对具体宗教的信仰，而是指一种赋予超越个人之价值、秩序和共同体以最高意义的“宗教性”世界观。法西斯主义将国家、民族与历史共同体置于个人之上，使个人通过参与这一精神共同体获得超越自身的意义。 ↩

5 “精神共同体”而非单纯的社会组织。此处 spiritual 指共同的价值、历史意识、意志与使命，而非单纯的宗教或神秘主义意义。 ↩

6 指超越具体个人主观意志的共同体意志，而非个人心理意义上的“意愿”。这里体现了法西斯主义对自由主义个人主义的否定：个人不是政治价值的最终尺度，其价值通过参与国家和民族共同体而实现。 ↩

7 严格来说，“经济学家”作为现代意义上的学科身份，本身主要是18世纪以后才逐渐形成的。 ↩

8 teleological conceptions of final causes：目的论的终极目的观。teleology 源自希腊语 telos（目的、终点），指以某种预定的最终目的解释事物或历史的发展。此处主要指将人类历史理解为朝向某种最终社会形态或普遍幸福持续进步的历史目的论，例如某些启蒙主义进步史观及其后来的社会主义历史观。墨索里尼认为这种观点将历史现实降格为通向预定终点的手段，而法西斯主义强调历史是持续的行动、斗争与自我实现过程。 ↩

9 这里的 totalising 并非现代政治学意义上已经严格概念化的“极权主义”（totalitarianism），而是指法西斯主义试图将个人、社会、精神生活、文化与国家统一纳入一个不可分割的政治总体之中的一种倾向。墨索里尼在此明确宣称“一切都包含在国家之中”（all is comprised in the State），并否认国家之外存在具有独立价值的精神或人性领域。这种“国家总体化”的观念，构成20世纪“极权主义”概念的重要思想背景。需要注意的是，totalising 是描述性的形容词，而 totalitarianism 则是后来形成的政治学概念。而极权主义（英语：Totalitarianism），则是一种现代的政治学术语，描述对社会有着绝对威权并全然谋求控制公众与私人生活之国家政治制度。奉行该思想之国称为极权国家（totalitarian state）。该概念在由魏玛德国法学家、纳粹学者卡尔·施米特与一些意大利法西斯主义者在1920年代提出。施米特在其有关全能（all-powerful，即统治一切）政府之合法性的、具有相当影响力的作品中使用“Totalstaat”一词。有趣的是，极权主义一词早期常被自由主义者自由主义攻击法西斯体制，“totalitarian”最早出现在1920年代初的意大利政治斗争中。1923年，反法西斯的自由主义政治家兼记者Giovanni Amendola（乔万尼·阿门多拉）用 totalitario 描述墨索里尼试图建立的政治制度，把它理解为对政治和行政生活的全面支配。但是在后来，乔万尼·真蒂莱（Giovanni Gentile）和墨索里尼开始正面使用 totalitario，把它变成法西斯国家的积极属性。 ↩

10 《意大利人民报》（意大利语：Il Popolo d’Italia，[il ˈpɔpolo d‿iˈtalja]；字面意思为“意大利人民”）是一份意大利报纸，创刊于1914年11月15日至1943年7月24日。它由贝尼托·墨索里尼在社会党分裂后，在第一次世界大战期间创办，最初是一份支持战争的报纸，战后成为意大利法西斯运动的主要报纸。除星期一外，该报每天都出版。该报于1914年11月在米兰创办，旨在支持意大利加入第一次世界大战。1914年11月，企业家朱塞佩·蓬特雷莫利（Giuseppe Pontremoli）——一位苏格兰古老礼仪共济会33级会员——预付了2万里拉用于购买轮转印刷机，该报即以此印刷。 ↩

11 1903—04年，墨索里尼已经进入意大利社会主义运动；1912年，他进入意大利社会党（PSI）全国领导机构，并成为党机关报《前进报！》（Avanti!） 主编。1910年代初，他已经不是普通基层党员，而是意大利社会主义运动中相当有影响力的激进派人物。他在1903—1914年间他奉行一种折衷而激进的社会主义，活跃于意大利社会党和多个工人组织。 ↩

12 指的是伯恩斯坦主义，它主要反驳了马克思对于资本主义即将灭亡的预测。伯恩施坦认为，马克思的预测并没有被论证，他认为尽管资本家产业的集中过程很显著，但它并没有成为普遍现象，并且资本的所有权变得更加分散。他还指出了马克思的劳动价值理论的一些缺陷。伯恩斯坦拒绝接受构成马克思主义哲学核心的黑格尔辩证法，认为它是“陷阱”和“危险因素”，会导致教条主义和不准确的预测。他认为，辩证法强调矛盾和剧烈的转变，是“马克思主义中的布朗基主义残余”，一种激进的空想主义，在科学社会主义运动中没有立足之地。他将自己的批判视为对“所有试图用单一抽象原则解释历史的思辨体系”的攻击。他主张回归康德的批判哲学，并更加重视伦理，而不是辩证唯物主义。伯恩斯坦接受进化论作为发展的核心原则，是他拒绝辩证法的关键所在。他将自己的“进化社会主义”视为达尔文主义的社会学对应物，用渐进的、有机的发展模式取代了灾难性变革的理论。他认为辩证法误导了马克思和恩格斯，使他们鼓吹革命暴力，而他们的贡献更符合赫伯特·斯宾塞的进化论。尽管他继续将马克思和达尔文相提并论，但他认为马克思的“革命进化论”是一个尚未解决的矛盾；伯恩斯坦的修正主义试图通过坚定地站在进化论一边反对革命来解决这一矛盾。对伯恩斯坦而言，社会主义并非历史的必然结果，而是一种伦理理想。它是一种应当存在的状态，一个基于对正义和平等的承诺而努力追求的目标，而不是由冷冰冰的历史规律决定的必然结果。他认为，随着资本主义的发展，意识形态和伦理因素将获得“更大的独立活动空间”，因为个人和国家将摆脱“经济力量的根本支配”。 ↩

13 这里指的是第二国际在一战爆发后的一系列分裂，在一战爆发后，各国的社民党和第二国际成员分别转而支持本国政府的战争立场，这直接导致了第二国际的分裂。激进的社会民主主义从第二国际中脱离，并且开始自称共产主义者。列宁便表示：“第二国际已死，第三国际万岁！” ↩

14 “改革派”（Reformism）主要指第二国际及意大利社会党内部主张通过议会政治、工会斗争和渐进社会改革实现社会主义的派别。在德国以伯恩斯坦的修正主义最具代表性，在意大利则以菲利波·图拉蒂（Filippo Turati）等人为代表。 ↩

15 在这里，革命派泛指支持以政治暴力革命作为实现政治目标的为手段的社会主义者。 ↩

16 在马克思主义运动中，“中间主义”（又译“中派”）一词具有特殊含义，指的是介于革命和改良之间的立场，即中间马克思主义（英语：Centrist Marxism）。例如，德国独立社会民主党和英国独立工党都被视为中间主义者，因为它们的立场在通过改良实现社会主义或通过革命实现社会主义之间摇摆不定。针对于上下文语境，这里主要指的是“第二个半国际”、考茨基主义以及一部分奥地利马克思主义者。 ↩

17 《自由页报》（Pagine Libere），副标题是（rivista quindicinale di politica, scienza ed arte）是一份源于革命工团主义的政治文化杂志，目前由意大利总工会（UGL）旗下的辛达卡利出版社（Edizioni Sindacali）出版，副标题为“工团行动”（Azione Sindacale）。《自由页报》由安杰洛·奥利维耶罗·奥利维蒂于1906年在卢加诺创办。1911年之前，它与罗马的《社会未来》（Il Divenire Sociale，1905-1910）一起，是意大利革命工团主义的领军刊物。1911年，由于内部在对意土战争的立场上存在分歧，卢加诺版停刊。该版曾刊登大量文学作品。奥利维蒂返回意大利后，于1914年在米兰恢复出版，旨在推动意大利参战。该系列杂志从1920年发行至1922年，以公开的反法西斯文章捍卫了意大利劳动联盟（UIL）的全国性工会主义理念。杂志停刊是因为其主编兼创始人奥利维蒂（Olivetti）加入了法西斯主义，随后他开始与《意大利人民报》（Il Popolo d’Italia，1922年）进行积极而密切的合作。二战后，同名杂志成为意大利民族右翼的工会刊物，之后经由伊沃·拉吉（Ivo Laghi）成为意大利全国工会联盟（CISNAL）的刊物。该杂志于1988年停刊。该杂志于2023年9月复刊，改为双月刊，由意大利劳动联盟（Unione Generale del Lavoro）的出版社辛达卡利出版社（Edizioni Sindacali）出版。 ↩

18 这份刊物Paolo Orano于1910年创办，是一个同时鼓吹革命工团主义和民族主义的刊物，1910—1911年在佛罗伦萨出版，是一份周刊。它同时鼓吹反对议会制、意大利民族主义，支持所谓的“无产阶级民族”（nazione proletaria）。它积极支持1911年的意土战争/利比亚战争，把殖民战争描述为一种“革命”。 ↩

19 《社会的生成》（ivenire sociale） 是Enrico Leone发起的刊物，Leone当时是社会党机关报 Avanti! 的编辑，同时又参与当时的马克思主义修正问题讨论；他把自己的理论兴趣带入革命工团主义。 ↩

20 英语 party 源自古法语 partie，最终来自拉丁语 pars（“部分”）。其最初的政治含义即是“共同占据某一立场或利益的一部分人”，因此与“整体”形成对照。近代政治思想中的 party 最初带有明显的贬义，常被理解为“派系”（faction）：一个部分为了自身利益而与政治共同体的其他部分发生竞争。18世纪以后，随着代议制政治和议会政治的发展，party 逐渐获得现代意义，即具有持续组织、政治纲领和选举活动的政治组织，并成为多元政治中组织利益、表达意见和争取政府权力的制度性媒介。墨索里尼这里所谓的 “anti-party”，应理解为对政党作为政治共同体中一个“部分”（part）的原则本身所进行的否定。1919年的早期法西斯主义刻意把自己描述成超越传统社会主义、自由主义和民族主义政党竞争的“运动”（movement），试图将不同社会集团——尤其是退伍军人、工人、生产者和民族主义者——统一到一个共同的政治行动之中。这里已经隐约出现了法西斯主义后来所追求的政治总体化：政治不再被理解为不同“部分”之间围绕权力和利益进行竞争，而是被重新构想为一个能够代表并整合整个民族的统一运动。 ↩

21 这里所谓“所有利益的直接代表”（direct representation of all interest），指的不是按照地域选区由公民选出议员的传统个人主义议会代表制，而是按照个人所属的经济、职业或社会功能进行政治组织和代表。例如工人、雇主、农民、商人等不同“生产者”可以通过各自的工会或行业组织获得政治代表。其基本思想是：个人首先不是作为抽象的、彼此平等的“选民”参与政治，而是作为社会生产体系中的某种功能承担者参与政治。因此，这种制度通常被称为功能代表制或职业代表制（functional/corporate representation）。这种思想与19世纪末以来的工团主义（syndicalism）和法团主义（corporatism）都有联系，但二者并不相同。工团主义原本强调工人通过工会组织自身，并以工会直接管理生产、取代资本主义国家和议会制度；而法团主义则试图把不同职业和经济利益组织成由国家承认、规范并协调的“法团”（corporazioni），使工人与雇主不再通过自由竞争或阶级斗争解决利益冲突，而是在国家框架内、通过唯一合法的法团代表进行制度化协调。法西斯主义最终将这种思想转化为国家法团主义：法团并不是独立于国家的自治组织，而是国家政治秩序的一部分，国家负责规定其组织形式、代表资格和职能。墨索里尼这里所谓“回归法团”（a return to corporations），并不是简单恢复中世纪的行会制度，而是指以职业、行业和经济功能为单位组织社会与政治代表。其思想上的对立面是自由主义的地域选区—议会代表制：后者把个人视为具有平等政治权利的公民，由其选举政党和议员；前者则试图让“生产者”以其社会功能直接进入政治体系。法西斯主义后来将这种功能代表制与“一切价值统一于国家”的总体主义观念结合起来，使法团逐渐成为国家控制和整合社会利益的工具。 ↩ ↩

22 “惩罚性远征”（spedizioni punitive）是意大利法西斯主义对其黑衫军（squadristi）在1919—1922年间发动的集体政治暴力行动所使用的称呼。法西斯小队通常以卡车等交通工具集体前往社会主义势力较强的城镇和农村地区，袭击社会主义党部、工会、合作社、报社及地方政府机关，殴打、羞辱甚至杀害政治对手，并焚毁或破坏其组织设施。这些行动尤其在1920年以后迅速扩大，成为法西斯运动摧毁意大利社会主义组织网络、扩大自身政治控制的重要手段。“惩罚性”这一措辞本身具有政治修辞意义：法西斯主义者把针对政治对手的组织性暴力和非法政治暴力描述为对所谓‘反民族’势力的惩罚和恢复秩序，而非普通犯罪。 ↩

23 斯多葛主义（Stoicism）是古希腊化时期形成、后在罗马时代发展起来的哲学传统，以芝诺、塞涅卡、爱比克泰德和马可·奥勒留等人为代表。其伦理学强调德性、自我控制以及区分能够由个人控制的事物与不能控制的外部事物，并主张面对痛苦、命运和死亡保持理性上的坚忍。墨索里尼在此借用的是斯多葛主义的坚忍、无畏和对外在痛苦的蔑视，但并非严格意义上的斯多葛主义：古典斯多葛主义的目标是保持理性和德性所赋予的内在自由，而法西斯主义则将这种坚忍转化为积极的斗争伦理，将危险、牺牲和死亡视为塑造“新型人”的政治实践。因此，me ne frego 所表达的并非单纯的“漠不关心”，而是对痛苦和危险的主动蔑视，以及通过行动证明自身意志的态度。墨索里尼所说的“not only stoic”，正是在强调这种法西斯生命伦理已经超出了古典斯多葛主义的范围。 ↩

24 暴君（tyrant）与专横的（tyrannical），二者均源于希腊语 tyrannos（τύραννος），经拉丁语 tyrannus 进入欧洲语言。古典政治思想中，tyranny 原本主要指没有取得统治正当性的君主，后来延伸为“暴君”。 ↩

25 绝对主义（Absolutism，又称专制主义）是一种政治主张，它主张一种不受任何其他机构（例如教会、立法机构或社会精英）约束的君主权力形式。在这里，墨索里尼使用absolutist一词，意在表述一种不受其他权力和外在规范约束的绝对权力。 ↩

26 约瑟夫·欧内斯特·勒南（/rəˈnɑːn/[2] ruh-NAHN；法语：[ʒozɛf ɛʁnɛst ʁənɑ̃]；1823年2月27日－1892年10月2日）[3]是一位法国东方学家和闪米特语学者，著述颇丰，研究闪米特语系语言和文明，同时也是一位宗教史学家、语言学家、哲学家、圣经学者和评论家。他撰写了关于早期基督教起源的著作，并拥护一些流行的政治理论，尤其关注民族主义、民族认同以及白种人优于其他种族的观点。勒南是最早提出可萨人后裔理论的学者之一。该理论认为，阿什肯纳兹犹太人是可萨人的后裔，可萨人是皈依犹太教的突厥民族，据称在可萨汗国崩溃后迁徙至中欧和东欧。基于此，他声称犹太人是“一个不完整的种族”。 ↩

27 法兰克福国民议会（德语：Frankfurter Nationalversammlung）是德意志各邦（包括奥地利帝国境内德意志人聚居区）首次自由选举产生的议会[1]，于1848年5月1日选举产生。议会于1848年5月18日至1849年5月30日在法兰克福的圣保罗教堂举行。它的成立是德意志邦联各邦“三月革命”的结果之一。经过漫长而激烈的辩论，议会制定了所谓的《法兰克福宪法》（《圣保罗教堂宪法》，正式名称为《德意志帝国宪法》），该宪法宣布建立一个基于议会民主原则的德意志帝国。这部宪法满足了三月前自由主义和民族主义运动的主要诉求，并奠定了基本权利的基础，这两点都与梅特涅的复辟体系截然相反。议会还提议建立由世袭皇帝（德意志皇帝）统治的君主立宪制。不过，普鲁士国王腓特烈·威廉四世拒绝接受“德意志皇帝”的称号，理由是这样的宪法和这样的提议是对各德意志邦国诸侯权利的侵犯。 ↩

28 百科全书派（法语：Encyclopédiste）是指18世纪法国一部分启蒙思想家于编纂《百科全书》（全称为《百科全书，或科学、艺术和工艺详解词典》）过程中以狄德罗为核心形成的一个学术团体。总的来说，他们与天主教教会及其教权主义思想相对，支持用理性和经验知识取代传统权威，认为知识应该世俗化、公开化。《百科全书》主编为狄德罗，副编为让·勒朗·达朗贝尔。在编纂《百科全书》之前，狄德罗已经开始与一些志同道合的自由思想作家结成了一个学术圈子，主要人员有孟德斯鸠、魁奈、杜尔哥、伏尔泰、卢梭、布丰、孔狄亚克、达朗贝尔、霍尔巴赫、爱尔维修等不少法国启蒙运动时期之著名人物。这些人也都参与了《百科全书》的编辑。 ↩

29 守夜人（night-watchman）：这是19世纪自由主义政治思想中对有限政府（limited government）的一种形象化称谓，后来尤其与自由放任主义和古典自由主义联系在一起。其基本含义是：国家的职能应当受到严格限制，主要负责维护人身安全、财产权、契约秩序以及对外防卫，而不应广泛干预经济、社会生活和个人事务。墨索里尼在这里借用“守夜人”这一比喻，将自由主义国家描绘成一个仅在发生犯罪、冲突或外部威胁时才“值班”的最低限度国家，并以此反衬法西斯主义所主张的积极国家：国家不仅维持秩序，而且主动介入公民生活，教育公民、塑造民族精神、协调社会利益并规定共同体的目标。 ↩

30 这里的 national society 并非单纯指一个国家疆域内人口的社会总和，而是指以共同的历史、文化、政治制度和国家意识联结起来的民族共同体。在墨索里尼的国家观中，个人和社会群体并非先于国家而独立存在的政治主体；相反，他们的统一、使命感和共同利益需要通过国家获得组织和实现。因此，当个人或群体出现所谓“瓦解”或“离心”（disintegrating or centrifugal）倾向时，他认为受到威胁的不仅是政府的统治秩序，而是整个民族共同体的统一。这里的 national society 因而具有明显的有机共同体含义，而不是现代社会学意义上的中性“社会”。 ↩

31 指的是1794年法国大革命雅各宾专政后期，马克西米连·罗伯斯庇尔推动的“最高存在崇拜”（*Culte de l’Être suprême*）。当时革命政府已经严重削弱甚至压制传统天主教。革命激进派中的“埃贝尔派”（Hébertists）进一步推动去基督教化，提倡“理性崇拜”（Cult of Reason）。罗伯斯庇尔并不接受这种无神论倾向。他认为： 无神论会破坏共和国的道德基础。 因此他试图建立一种与共和国政治道德相适应的自然神论式公民宗教。 ↩

32 墨索里尼所指的是布尔什维主义建立在马克思主义无神论基础上的反宗教立场。十月革命后，苏维埃政权逐步实行政教分离，取消俄罗斯东正教及其他宗教组织的特权；1918年的相关法令规定教会与国家、学校与教会分离，允许公民信仰任何宗教或不信仰宗教，同时剥夺宗教组织的特殊法律地位和财产权。此后苏维埃政权又通过无神论宣传、教育政策及其他措施限制和削弱宗教影响。墨索里尼所谓“从人的头脑中抹去上帝”，指布尔什维主义试图通过无神论的意识形态和社会教育使宗教意识最终消亡，而不是简单指一项法律上的“禁止信教”或者废除宗教的政策。 ↩